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Continue to app Rating: Click stars to rate this APP! Tapped Out. Newsletter Submit. The reason for using the past participle is that it can be built directly from the verb stem. It requires less augmentation than an infinite construction and is thus easier for the students to create.
The following sentence demonstrates the use of two past active participles. What happened to Prakash? One feature of the past active participle is its use in expressing the act of finding or meeting with someone or something.
The gerundive form carries with it a sense of moral obligation, as in the example below, it could mean, I ought to go for food. As Sanskrit is a pro-drop language, meaning the use of pronouns is not obligatory, from the current example it is difficult to determine whether two or more people were included in this conversation. This example was produced after asking a student where he was going and why: Mitra kutra gacchati?
O Friend, where are you going? In this school the preference was to use the active construction. In an introductory letter I wrote the following.
The school registrar insisted that I incorporate his suggested correction, omitting the use of the passive and using instead the past active participle. Sma is a verbal suffix that changes a present continuous verb into the historical present tense. Sir, have you done your work? Sanskrit has the option of incorporating a compound verb, whereas Hindi uses the compound verb almost exclusively. Sir, where did you study? For another example refer to 4. The use of the —am suffix to Sanskritise a word, with time, may result in speakers using this more often in the future.
Compound verbs are not used as frequently because it is an optional construction for Sanskrit.
The most interesting observation was the avoidance of the passive construction by this community and an insistence on the use of active construction, albeit coinciding with an almost complete avoidance of the sma particle.
Code switching was generally employed because at a certain point in a conversation, the use of Spoken Sanskrit would become inefficient. As a result the group would swap to Hindi. An example of this occurred when I was introduced to the teaching staff. Our conversation started in Sanskrit and after about five minutes switched to Hindi.
After about five minutes of Hindi, the conversation switched back to conclude in Sanskrit. This conversation was not organised in advance, which left me unable to prepare or record. We started the conversation in Sanskrit, but at a certain point, we were discussing my project, the teachers switched to Hindi because the teachers needed to.
I asked the registrar why this occurred and he responded by telling me that the teachers could not discuss certain points in Sanskrit and needed to switch to Hindi.
I observed that while there were English speaking international guests staying at the ashram that some students would try and speak both Sanskrit and English with more frequency. It can also be assumed that due to my own presence as a Sanskrit speaking enthusiast, there was an increase in the frequency in which Sanskrit was spoken. The students and teachers would approach me speaking Sanskrit while I was talking with other international guests. This seemed to be a technique to promote themselves as learned Brahmins.
The English speaking guests could not distinguish between Sanskrit and Hindi. The students more confident in English would try to communicate with the foreigners. Kim karoti? Aham cricket khelna gacchati. Kim karoti is a Sanskrit phrase which means What are you doing? Perhaps he thought I did not understand his sentence, for he repeated it once again in English.
Another example is from a conversation with one student who always asked me the same question, no matter whether I was sitting down, standing up, or walking.
This particular student could not speak English, hence its total absence from his statements. For the speaker of another language whose L2 was more likely Hindi, the norm was to resort to the super-ordinate national language to continue communicating in larger groups. The teachers and students gave several reasons for reverting from Sanskrit to Hindi. The most common reasons were mental fatigue and lack of time i. Due to necessity, one may revert to the super-ordinate language in order to be intelligible.
It was observed that most of the Sanskrit speakers could only talk about a limited range of topics, whereas an even smaller percentage were able to extend their conversation to the same standards as their L1 or L2. The implications for this are that until a larger number of students are competent and have expanded their communicative range, Sanskrit will not be the main language of discourse and will serve as a secondary or even tertiary language.
Below is an example of a brief conversation observed in the ashram. Good afternoon, how are you?
O Friend, I am very well, thank you, how are you? Aham api. I am also fine. Sir, where are you going now? I am going to my room. I am tired. Afterwards we two shall meet in the temple. Let it be O friend. See you again.
This is typical of the length of many of the conversations I experienced or observed in the ashram, generally as two people passed one another walking between buildings, or perhaps, waiting to get a drink from the water fountain.
I also was part of, and a witness to, several conversations that lasted in excess of thirty minutes, which occurred almost exclusively in Sanskrit. Few students were capable of extending a conversation beyond simple greetings. An interesting feature of this sample conversation is observable above in lines 2, 4, and 6.
In spoken Sanskrit, the usual convention is to use the third person form he, she, it.
However, it is interesting that in this brief conversation, the use of both asi 2nd person singular and gacchati 3rd person singular were used. Summary of Major Findings The school does permit non-Brahmin boys to attend and thus far, only four non- Brahmins have studied at the school. While I was at the school, there were two non- Brahmin students studying. Both want to become Sanskrit teachers.
At this school in Gujarat, Sanskrit has the potential to become the super-ordinate language of this speech community. However, until more time is set aside for the promotion of speaking Sanskrit little headway will be made. Perhaps, as the teachers hope, when the younger students progress to a more proficient level, and the number of students increases, Sanskrit will be able to compete with its modern Indian descendant, Hindi.
Furthermore, there are no native speakers of Sanskrit in the school. For this reason, code mixing and students tend to converge towards the L1 or L2 languages. Sanskrit is the L3 of the majority of those people interviewed. Sanskrit, although liturgically prestigious, appears to have less prestige than Hindi and English as a spoken vernacular. Students, teachers and the other residents want to speak more Sanskrit but seem relaxed about the timeline needed to create such a phenomenon.
The majority of students want to become Sanskrit teachers. There are 29 people who can speak Sanskrit, and of this figure, only 10 were considered to be fluent. The student population has grown fifty-percent in the past two years, from forty to sixty students. This figure is expected to grow to a desired three hundred students.
With this growth it is anticipated that more students will speak Sanskrit.
However, until students are motivated to speak Sanskrit and also overcome their inhibitions through encouragement, support, and practice, Sanskrit will not become the super- ordinate language. Sanskrit relies heavily upon the syntax of Hindi when spoken or written. However, the study has provided many new and interesting questions, opening up several possibilities for further research.
Future Research My intention is to conduct further linguistic anthropological fieldwork at this school in Gujarat. I would like to also be able to incorporate a deeper investigation of the relationship between Sanskrit, Hindi, Gujarati, and Nepali. Furthermore, I would like to explore how notions of power and social inclusion operate between and within communities, or language nests who speak Sanskrit and those that do not.
Finally, in light of modernisation, language diversity, language vitality, globalisation, and nationalism, my focus would be to understand more explicitly, how, why, and where Sanskrit fits within the sociolinguistic and cultural landscape of South Asia today. Hock, Delhi: Motilal Banarsidas, Ganesan, S. It is also spoken in pockets of Maharashtra.
Gamadia: spoken primarily in Ahmedabad and the surrounding regions, in addition to Bharuch and Surat, where it is colloquially known as 'Surati'. Kathiawari: a distinctive variant spoken primarily in the Kathiawar region and subject to significant Sindhi influence. Kharwa, Kakari and Tarimuki Ghisadi are also often cited as additional varieties of Gujarati.
Parsi: spoken by the Zoroastrian Parsi minority. This highly distinctive variety has been subject to considerable lexical influence by Avestan , the liturgical Zoroastrian language.